Author Archives: Fernando Maccari Lara

About Fernando Maccari Lara

Pesquisador em Economista da FEE. Economics Researcher at the FEE.

Chinese development constraints and strategies

Carlos Aguiar de Medeiros is an associate professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). He holds a degree in Economics and a Master’s degree in Production Engineering from UFRJ and a PhD in Economic Science from the State University of Campinas (Unicamp). He mainly researches the following topics: development, unemployment, growth, technology, state, market, institutions, monetary standards, balance of payments, growth and industrialization, and international insertion.

In an interview to Panorama, Medeiros evaluates what has been central to the growth of China and points out that the country stands out for the production of sophisticated goods. He also looks at the food supply and environmental sustainability in the country and discusses changes in the China-U.S. relations after Trump’s victory in the U.S. election.

Panorama: Many analysts point out that China has been transitioning from a previously “export-led” model to a new growth strategy focused on the domestic market. Do you agree with this characterization? What kind of qualification can be done in this regard?

There is no consensus in the literature on the definition and measurement of an “export-led” growth model. It is clear that in China the share of gross exports in the final demand is high. However, the share of foreign value added in the Chinese exports is very high. Investment was the component with the strongest absolute and relative growth in the last decade. A share of this investment is associated with exports. The other share, larger than the previous one, is linked to the expansion of urbanization and heavy industry, led by state-owned enterprises. The central issue for China to grow (irrespective of its growth model) is to maintain high rates (at a time when the world economy is growing at reduced rates) and to build a “harmonious society”, i.e., a system of social protection and labor regulation laws, in order to reduce the inequality in the appropriation of income. This is not only an economic issue, but, above all, a political one.

Panorama: How can we qualify the results already achieved by the Chinese based on the efforts they have made in recent years to promote scientific and technological development?

China’s shift towards building an economy focused on innovation and not only on the production of sophisticated goods with foreign technology took place in the 2000s and was largely driven by strategic concerns associated with both defense and energy. It has resulted in a vast expansion of research and development (R&D) resources, largely funded by Chinese companies, strong demand and government funding for technologically strategic areas, such as semiconductors, space research, alternative energy, pharmaceuticals, infrastructure (communications and high-speed trains) and high-performance computers. It is largely based on Chinese firms (mainly state-owned ones), and the priority is the creation of proprietary technologies and domestic brands. Indeed, China is distinguished by the production of sophisticated goods, not by design and innovation activities. Changing this situation constitutes a government strategy of the 2000s. In terms of alternative energy, Chinese industry is in the state of the art; in aviation and space research, despite its important catching-up strategies, it remains out of date. With regard to the industry focused on information and communication technology, to date the great challenge has been the semiconductor area. There has been unquestionable progress in consumer electronics and other areas of high technological content in this industry, in an import substitution effort, including the more sophisticated activities of this production.

Panorama: One of the central issues of Chinese development has always been the food supply. Does this centrality persist? What kind of opportunity may arise from the point of view of foreign trade?

Certainly, China’s amount of arable land per capita available is one of the most limited in the world and due to the urbanization process the Chinese have been changing their eating habits. The opportunity is there. China has now become the world’s largest importer of soybeans and other agricultural commodities. This demand tends to continue to grow in absolute terms, albeit at a declining pace as the level of income raises.

Panorama: To what extent do environmental sustainability issues matter in China’s case?

Environmental degradation and pollution are a central issue in an economy still largely powered by coal. On the other hand, the high expansion of the automobile industry has increased CO2 emissions. The last five-year plans highlight and prioritize alternative sources of energy (wind, electric), but despite their substantial expansion, they still do not constitute a real energy alternative.

Panorama: In general, what are the main internal or external social changes brought about by the strong Chinese development of the last few decades? How do they challenge its continuity?

The main internal social change has been the dissolution, since the 1980s, of social control and regulation institutions centered on the commune and on state factories and the adoption of capitalist institutions based on wage employment and on the market, albeit in a transition process in which the State remains in control of the land, the credit and, in general, the investment rate. In this state-regulated capitalism, social conflict is big regarding both the expropriation of land and the regulation of labor, the wage rate, and the introduction of social rights. The Chinese government is moving ahead in building a still incipient Welfare State (minimum income, welfare, health), and the prospects are positive, but with results in the medium and long terms.

Panorama: With Trump’s victory in the U.S. and his apparent proximity to Russia, what is going to happen to the chess game of international relations involving China?

It is too early to speculate, but the changes might be less discontinuous than one might think based on the temperament and style of the American president. In fact, he suspended the U.S. involvement in the Transpacific Agreement, an agreement built precisely to isolate China and to expand U.S. trade with the Asian countries that are China’s trading partners. There may be some rise in tariffs on Chinese exports and systematic accusations of exchange manipulation, but I do not believe that substantial changes can occur in the U.S.-China trade relationship, because there is great complementarity in this trade, and strictly all large American companies either export to China or produce in China and export from there. Regardless of the negative balance, the U.S. exports to China have grown substantially in recent years. China is now the largest holder of U.S. treasury bonds, with more than a trillion dollars. Reapproaching Taiwan and denying the principle of a single China could have a drastic effect on the historic relationship with Beijing, but the U.S. government has already withdrawn. Penalizing China with criticism about its expansion in the South Seas or through a closer rapprochement with Japan has not changed anything substantially. China’s priority is to rebuild and to expand its trade relations with the “silk route” countries and achieve trade liberalization, and investments in infrastructure funded by Chinese banks are a central strategy.

Mercosur and its multiple dimensions

The second issue of Panorama Internacional FEE deals with an important and complex topic, which allows multiple and interrelated possible angles of analysis, such as economic, political and cultural. The Latin-American integration has been debated for a long time in the region. In the economic field, conjectures about the potential effects of productive integration have always been considered when it comes to difficulties and limitations of late and peripheral industrialization in Latin America. The “closed” character of that process, in the sense that industrial plants were installed to supply the restricted national markets, was pointed out as responsible for the disadvantages in absolute costs, related to the smaller scales of production compared to those of the previously industrialized countries. In a speech in Mexico in 1959, Raúl Prebisch[1] evoked this diagnosis in advocating the formation of a Latin American Common Market. In his view, this would be the way to avoid repeating the known limitations of the already established consumer goods industries in the necessary and subsequent phase of installing the sectors of capital goods. The strategy envisioned by Prebisch did not recommend the promotion of partial integration as preparatory action for a second continental integration phase. For the Argentine economist, the more strengthened the sub-regional groups were, the more difficult it would be to achieve the Latin American Common Market.

Actually, the integration in continental scale as advocated by Prebisch has poorly advanced. Moreover, one could hardly attribute this state of affairs to obstacles created by the development of sub-regional integration groups such as Mercosur. These groups have not advanced so much as to the point of generating additional obstacles more important than those already underlying the national borders or those related to the very nature of capitalism. Contradictions and conflicts of interest among countries, sub-national political units, transnational corporations and domestic political groups seem to be enough to constitute a somewhat complex system of barriers to integration. The historical development of that system has not generated so far a solution that could promote significant advances in Mercosur as a process of economic integration.

The adoption of a model to guide the promotion of such integration, resulting from other historical experiences, is quite complicated. The European Union is probably the most developed case of an institutional framework designed to promote integration. However, the recent slow economic growth of the bloc as a whole, the acute problems that the “peripheral” countries have faced, alongside the behavior of “core” countries concerning such problems, indicate serious limitations and contradictions about the values and goals sustaining the integration. Macroeconomic rules adopted to satisfy particular interests have been suffocating some member countries and led many European citizens to embrace a kind of moral judgment that some countries “do not deserve” to be part of the Euro Zone.

On the other hand, despite the absence of an institutional apparatus comparable to that of the European Union, there has been a strong process of productive integration in Asia. Several geopolitical, structural, organizational and economic factors contributed to this outcome (MEDEIROS, 2011)[2]. The data transmission revolution and digitalization enabled the encoding of productive processes and their modularization. From a technical point of view, these changes have made possible the establishment of a large trade flow of parts and components, integrating the lower income Asian countries to those previously industrialized. The asymmetric position of the countries, which may be reinforced for the balance of payments problems, was at least in part neutralized in this Asian integration by macroeconomic stimulus and structural conditions both functional for integration. The regional expansion and its productive integration in Asia have always been oriented to a large consumption market of final goods. The United States was the first market running trade deficits with the less developed countries, and has been progressively replaced in this role by China.

In the case of Mercosur, within certain limits, Brazil could perform this role because of its relative size. To make it happen, however, Brazil would need to increase growth and stop perceiving other countries only as useful markets to compensate the reprimarization of its exports to other continents. In other words, a productive integration along the Asian lines would require Brazil to run trade deficits with the bloc, rather than channeling its more technology-intensive industrial production, displaced from other markets by the Asian producers. It would be necessary, therefore, for Brazil to promote more deeply its domestic market, managing adequately its external constraints at the same time. Arrangements that could promote a joint management of the external constraints would be supportive to integration. The external problems of Brazil and Argentina, especially, have already caused, and always may cause again, serious imbalances for Mercosur to consolidate.

Addressing the issue of Mercosur, Panorama Internacional FEE does not intend to provide definitive answers to all these complex issues.  The purpose is to put forward some elements to invite the reader to join the debate. In that sense, researchers Cecília Hoff and Tomás Torezani discuss Rio Grande do Sul’s position in the Mercosur context, highlighting the particularities of trade and productive relations of the state with the other countries and calling attention to the agricultural capital goods sector and the conflict of interest established by the movements of the Argentine industry. Researcher Ana Julia Possamai presents a central dimension: digital integration. Although still receiving little attention in most economic analyses on integration, a slow development in this field may represent an important constraint on productive integration in the era of modularization of production, apart from the political and cultural implications. The interview of this issue of Panorama brings Professor André Luiz Reis da Silva, from Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). He provides some impressions about achievements and challenges of Mercosur, the accession of Venezuela and the possibility of a free trade agreement with the European Union, along with other issues. Robson Valdez, Ricardo Leães and Bruno Jubran address the need for a political settlement inside the bloc, noting that the economic agreements underlying a process of economic integration presuppose an appropriate balance of costs and benefits to potential participants. Finally, Tarson Nuñez brings us important conjectures about the outcome of the presidential election in Argentina. The situation in that country is always substantial for a conjuncture analysis of the region, considering the more radical changes associated with political changes there from a Brazilian standpoint.

[1] PREBISCH, R. El mercado comun latinoamericano. Boletin del Banco Central del Ecuador, Quito, v. 33, n. 384-385, p. 19-28, jul./ago. 1959. Retrieved from <http://hdl.handle.net/11362/32866>.

[2]  MEDEIROS, C. A dinâmica da integração produtiva asiática e os desafios à integração produtiva no Mercosul. Análise Econômica, Porto Alegre, v. 29, n. 55, p. 7-32, mar. 2011. Retrieved from <http://seer.ufrgs.br/AnaliseEconomica/article/view/13381>.

RS economic analysis at FEE: the central role of external nexus

Since its beginning, the Economics and Statistics Foundation (FEE) has conceived the analysis of social and economic conditions of the State of Rio Grande do Sul as its main task. The several papers organized as The 25 years of political economy of Rio Grande do Sul, published in 1976, deal with the local industrial structure and dynamics, both being considered as “inseparably connected to the Brazilian national economy” (1976, p. 19, translation mine)[1]. At that time, researchers at the FEE were working on the singularities of the economic system within the boundaries of the state, in the context of the import-substitution industrialization model that was taking place at the national level.

This particular model of industrialization lasted from the 1930s to the late 1970s. The Brazilian economy was dealing, for most of that period, with external constraints on its growth. Particularly in the 1970s, the national government was seeking to maintain rates of economic growth and accumulation at high levels, apart from creating and increasing production capacity in key sectors. Given the natural tendency of import coefficients to rise when the rate of accumulation is high, the development of those key sectors was a strategy to offset this movement and to increase the degree of autonomy of the domestic industrial system in the long run.

The debate over the specific manner the state’s economy was linked to the Brazilian economy was very fruitful and the FEE contributions were always fundamental. Certainly, many changes have happened since then and hence it would be an error for researchers to adopt today exactly the same analytical lens. Nevertheless, one central methodological rule must be maintained: any explanation about what happens in the state’s economic system cannot deal exclusively, or even predominantly, with the facts, dynamics or structures within it. In a nutshell: the external nexus are central to understand the current problems in Rio Grande do Sul.

The brief yet strong development cycle in Brazil in the 2000s was only possible because of a huge favorable change in global conditions, compared to those of the 1980s and even the 1990s. For some time, the external constraints on growth were strongly mitigated, allowing the national government to run a set of policies resulting in acceleration of growth, income distribution and the reduction of poverty levels. The differences between the structural changes associated with this cycle and those of the 1970s could not be more evident. Besides the contrast in distributive issues, there was, as expected, a significant pressure on import coefficients to rise, but this time efforts to counteract it by import-substitution policies were absent.

Therefore, for researchers interested in studying the state’s economic conditions, an accurate understanding of  the current dynamics of the national and international economy, alongside their links with the regional economy, cannot be taken for granted. At this moment, the Brazilian economy resumes the dependence on its export performance in order to have its external constraints relaxed once again. The role and the possibilities for the state’s primary and industrial exports are topics to be discussed by this first edition of Panorama Internacional FEE.

From an internationalist perspective, Robson Valdez analyzes the role of the BRICS as effective and potential markets for the state’s exports. In the same purposeful stance, Bruno Jubran and Ricardo Leães address perspectives for an important industrial export nexus in Rio Grande do Sul: agricultural capital goods. Interviewed by Panorama, Luciano D’Andrea presents a comprehensive evaluation of the potential of exports from Rio Grande do Sul. Carlos Paiva brings us some of his work on the state’s import coefficients associated with exports and investment as categories of final demand. Closing this first edition, Clarissa Black stresses the exogenous character of a central variable in the economic performance of Rio Grande do Sul: soybean prices. She puts into perspective the popular view that takes the Chinese demand as the only determinant to these movements.

[1]  FUNDAÇÃO DE ECONOMIA E ESTATÍSTICA (RS). Análise da indústria de transformação no Rio Grande do Sul. Porto Alegre: FEE, 1976. (25 anos de economia gaúcha, v. 4). Available at <http://cdn.fee.tche.br/publicacoes/digitalizacao/25-anos-economia-gaucha/vol-4.pdf>.